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  <title>DSpace Собрание:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/2055" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/2055</id>
  <updated>2026-03-30T11:36:09Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-03-30T11:36:09Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>Від брест-литовської до версальської системи: монархічна контрреволюція в Центральній та Східній Європі в 1918 - 1920 рр</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6006" />
    <author>
      <name>Бондаренко, Дмитро</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6006</id>
    <updated>2025-05-07T10:29:31Z</updated>
    <published>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Название: Від брест-литовської до версальської системи: монархічна контрреволюція в Центральній та Східній Європі в 1918 - 1920 рр
Авторы: Бондаренко, Дмитро
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The monarchical counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe arose also in some new states as a result of the collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires and as a response to the Bolshevik expansion. The factors of the emergence of the monarchical counter-revolution were the following: the existence of state monarchical traditions (for example, in Finland and Hungary) and the presence of charismatic political and military leaders with monarchical views in the new states. Some new states with the republican form of rule became the bases of the monarchist counterrevolution in Russia (for instance, the Ukrainian State, the Great Don Host, Estonian Republic). The concentration of monarchical forces in the former Russian Empire was facilitated by German diplomacy.&#xD;
&#xD;
Germany’s defeat of in World War I led to the renunciation of the representatives of the German dynasties in Finland and Lithuania. In Finland and Hungary the monarchist system was restored after the victory over the Reds, however, because the pressure from the Allies made these kingdoms bereft left of their kings. Whereas in Finland the counter-revolution won the victory independently, due to its own forces, the counter-revolution in Hungary was entered by Romanian intervention because of the weakness of the Hungarian Whites.&#xD;
&#xD;
In fact, the diplomacy of the Allies through the support of the Russian Republican Whites, whose slogan was «A unified and indivisible Russia», led to the defeat of the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia and the survival of the Bolshevik regime. Moreover, some new state (the Ukrainian State and the Great Don Host) lost their independence and disappeared from the map of Europe. Under these conditions, the new regional powers (Finland and Romania) became the flanks of «Cordon Sanitaire».</summary>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Між асиміляцією та суспільним визнанням: "антисемітизм" у політичній діяльності та публіцистичній спадщині Теофіла Меруновича</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6005" />
    <author>
      <name>Васьків, Назар</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6005</id>
    <updated>2025-05-07T10:21:30Z</updated>
    <published>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Название: Між асиміляцією та суспільним визнанням: "антисемітизм" у політичній діяльності та публіцистичній спадщині Теофіла Меруновича
Авторы: Васьків, Назар
Краткий осмотр (реферат): In the last quarter of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Jewish community was an important part of the political and social life of Galicia. It was the third largest community in the region, after the Ukrainian and Polish ones. The political activity of the Galician Jews was significantly influenced by the legislative reforms in the 1960s in the Austrian monarchy, due to which they obtained equal civil rights. However, the emancipation achievements of Galician Jews did not become a guarantee of their social recognition. Therefore, the solution of the Jewish question was delayed due to a number of unregulated legal principles. These legal principles attracted the attention of the well-known politician and public figure Theophil Merunovych. The main idea to this study was the attempt to determine the place and the role of the politician as well as to trace his objectivity in solving the Jewish question in the context of the spread of emancipation, assimilation and anti-Semitic ideas on the European territory.&#xD;
&#xD;
An assessment of political activity and publicistic heritage of T. Merunovych in foreign and national historiography deserves special attention. Mostly, they are extremely negative, and the politician is presented with anti-Semitic views. In view of this, a thorough analysis of T. Merunovych's parliamentary speeches and works shows some controversy about the unambiguousness of such statements.&#xD;
&#xD;
T. Merunovych presented his proposals for solving the Jewish question in his speeches and publications which caused a negative reaction from the Jewish population. The idea of his proposals was to abolish the norms and regulations that the Jewish population had as a national minority. Concerning the latter, then, according to T. Merunovych, having received equal civil rights, they did not want to lose them.&#xD;
&#xD;
As of 1883, T. Merunovych had identified a number of major privileges, in his opinion, that the Jews had after the constitutional reforms of 1867, in particular, the lack of separation of secular and religious powers in the Jewish community; the presence of the rules for honoring customs in the organizational regulations, according to which the Jewish population could freely adhere to their customs; the evasion of Jewish men from military service due to marriage; absence of control over the activity of Kagals in agricultural business;  Jews' arbitrary treatment of laws which led to their limitations as official norms for the entire community, etc. Raising these issues, T. Merunovych emphasized that he did not seek to restrict the rights of the Jewish population but only sought the equalization of their rights with Christians, which they had been actively striving for before the events of 1861 and 1867.&#xD;
&#xD;
T. Merunovych tried to analyze the Jewish question from different angles. His attention was drawn to the economic, political, educational, and cultural activities of the Jewish community. With this in mind, he tried to raise the key issues related to Austro-Hungarian Jews to the legislative level. In addition, as an ambassador of the Galician Regional Seim and the State Council, he repeatedly emphasized the need to equalize the rights of Jews and Christians at the meetings and in numerous petitions. His active position on this issue contributed, to some degree, to the resolution of the Jewish question. At the same time, the consistent advocacy of his position has secured him a reputation of anti-Semite despite the arguments put forward by him against such accusations.</summary>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Проблеми трактування колабораціонізму в роки Другої світової війни у сучасній російській історіографії</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6004" />
    <author>
      <name>Суховерська, Ірина</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6004</id>
    <updated>2025-05-07T08:39:15Z</updated>
    <published>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Название: Проблеми трактування колабораціонізму в роки Другої світової війни у сучасній російській історіографії
Авторы: Суховерська, Ірина
Краткий осмотр (реферат): The article describes the most important trends of scientific interpretation of collaboration problem during the Second World War in contemporary Russian historiography. The basic ideas and features of historiographical process, methods of historical research, and the impact of social and political events on the theme and content of historical studies are defined. Particularly, the article focuses on the analysis of interaction of contemporary Russian historiography and public policy of memory. There are also outlined some prospects of scientific research in this field. The object of the article is to describe the most important trends of scientific interpretation problem of collaboration in contemporary Russian historiography and determine the impact of Russian public policy of memory on the process of its creation.</summary>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Січневе повстання 1863 р. проти російської імперії в історичній пам'яті громадян міста Дрогобич (1880 - 1939 рр.)</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6003" />
    <author>
      <name>Лазорак, Богдан</name>
    </author>
    <id>http://ir.dspu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/123456789/6003</id>
    <updated>2025-05-07T08:23:52Z</updated>
    <published>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Название: Січневе повстання 1863 р. проти російської імперії в історичній пам'яті громадян міста Дрогобич (1880 - 1939 рр.)
Авторы: Лазорак, Богдан
Краткий осмотр (реферат): In the article in detail the tradition of the honoring of the theme of the January Uprising of the Polish people in 1863 in the cultural and educational surroundings of Drohobych for the period 1880 – 1939 is considered. It is above all the organization of festive and memorial ceremonies at the level of the public companies, magistrate and parochial institutions of Drohobych. Also the potential range of the residents and natives of the Drohobych district, who actively participated in military campaigns in 1863 – 1864 is defined. Among other things, for the first time in the historiography the articles of the Drohobych journalists dedicated to the January Uprising are analyzed: the autobiographical stories about the participants in the Uprising, the obituaries, the political and publicistic essays and also the poems of initiation. The tradition of organizing a variety of celebrations on the theme of the January uprising has long been a feature of the cultural topos of Drohobych not only at the level of the educational environment of local gymnasiums and public associations, but also at the level of the official city authorities in the face of the magistrate, municipality and district councils, as well as old age groups. The serious attitude of the citizens of the city to the events of 1861 - 1863 was especially relevant in connection with the fact that in the uprising, immigrants from Drohobych and the outskirts took part in the uprising, who, on the one hand, living in the city kept "living memory" about the most dramatic episodes of the stormy events of the January uprising, and on the other hand, they were able, by way of example, to convey the symbolic meaning of their feats to future generations in order to cultivate the legitimate right of every nation to freedom.</summary>
    <dc:date>2018-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
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